Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 461: In the Dead of Night

In the dead of night, the Austria International Hotel shines brilliantly on Vienna’s Ringstrasse, bathed in the glow of streetlights.

In the heart of Vienna, where every inch of land was worth a fortune, the sprawling Austrian International Hotel, covering 2,888.88 mu (about 480 acres), was an undeniable spectacle.

This hotel wasn’t just luxurious; it was the epitome of opulence for its time. It boasted every amenity imaginable, making it the priciest accommodation in the era. Staying here was a status symbol in itself. Even the most modest room costs hundreds of guilders.

Each room was a marker of one’s status. The palace-like structures within the hotel were exclusively for nobility. No matter how wealthy a commoner was, they could only reside in the commoner areas.

Franz regarded this as his most unsuccessful investment. The social norms were rigid: capitalists wouldn’t dare venture into the noble sections, and nobles wouldn’t dream of staying in the commoner zones.

Even among the nobility, hierarchies were strictly observed. Guests chose rooms that matched their status and never crossed boundaries.

These days, ordinary accommodations are booming, yet the exclusive noble quarters attract few guests. Most notably, the ultra-luxurious Imperial Palace suite has yet to welcome its first occupant.

It wasn’t that the hotel refused commoners; it was that no one dared to overstep their social class. This societal expectation meant that any behavior exceeding one’s status was met with rejection.

Over time, this became the hotel’s rule: every status received its corresponding treatment. If rooms were full, guests would simply find another hotel.

Originally priced at 8,888 guilders, the Imperial Palace quickly became an embarrassment. Commoners couldn’t afford it, and if a king came to visit, Franz wouldn’t dream of charging them.

In a fit of frustration, Franz added four more eights to the price, making it a staggering 88,888,888 guilders. The prestige skyrocketed instantly.

This made it the most expensive hotel in the world, bar none. The price alone could buy two Austrian International Hotels, ensuring that no one could afford to stay there.

It wasn’t just the Imperial Palace that remained vacant; the ducal and marquis suites below it also saw little business. It wasn’t a matter of affordability; high-ranking nobles already had homes in Vienna.

Local high nobles didn’t stay there, so relying on visiting nobles meant that they might see one customer a year, if at all.

The vast number of ultra-luxurious rooms lay unused, yet they still incurred significant maintenance costs, driving up the hotel’s operating expenses.

If not for the timely addition of the commoner areas next door, attracting numerous wealthy guests with brand appeal, and the opening of conference rooms with a commercial membership system, Franz would’ve been questioning his life choices.

Once again, reality proved that being too ahead of one’s time could make one a martyr. In later eras, presidential suites were eagerly sought after by wealthy individuals, but in this period, the Imperial Palace was ignored.

Interestingly, the commercial membership system became a hit, with annual fees of 12,000 guilders and plenty of wealthy patrons eager to join.

Now, capitalists loved doing business at the Austrian International Hotel, not just to flaunt their wealth but also to demonstrate their own power and status.

People who can afford an annual membership fee of over ten thousand guilders aren’t likely to be frauds. The hotel thoroughly vets members’ credentials; without significant financial strength, one can’t qualify for membership.

Despite incorporating all sorts of money-making schemes, the Austrian International Hotel’s profits were still merely decent, highlighting how flawed Franz’s initial planning was.

Lying in his hotel bed, Marquis Maclean had no interest in the hotel’s opulence. After all, everything was arranged by the Austrian government, and he didn’t have to spend a penny.

This was the benefit of a powerful nation. As the British Foreign Secretary, he was always well-accommodated wherever he went, unlike the Japanese delegation who had to find their own lodgings.

For Maclean, the more expensive, the better. He could later bill the expenses to the British government. It was a hidden perk, illustrating why this era was the best for British bureaucrats.

Why not stay at the embassy? Why insist on a luxury hotel?

These were minor issues. The British Empire had money to spare, especially for its bureaucrats. It was considered a travel allowance. After all, Britain’s system wasn’t fully refined, making it a golden age for profiting off one’s position.

Pondering the day’s negotiations, Maclean found it difficult to sleep. The French and Austrians were not very enthusiastic about their proposed alliance and even seemed somewhat resistant.

This indirectly confirmed that the Franco-Austrian alliance was real. Only if France and Austria were already allied would a three-nation alliance with Britain seem redundant.

This was very disadvantageous for his upcoming work. Without the cooperation of France and Austria, a three-nation alliance was simply unattainable.

How could he break up the Franco-Austrian alliance if he couldn’t even join it? Maclean was now convinced of its existence. Unlike others, he believed that France and Austria might have reached an agreement on European matters.

This Vienna Conference provided evidence that France and Austria had aligned on the Italian issue, leaving only Central Europe as a point of contention.

However, the disputed Rhineland was currently under Prussian control, meaning France and Austria hadn’t yet reached a direct confrontation.

If the two nations cooperated, Austria could annex the German Federal Empire while France annexed Italy.

Since the Rhineland wasn’t their territory, neither would face significant political risk in abandoning it.

If compensation could be obtained from other regions, it was highly likely that France and Austria would compromise on this issue.

Belgium, the Netherlands, and Switzerland could all become sacrificial lambs in a Franco-Austrian compromise. Nothing was off-limits in the face of interests.

This was not what the British government wanted. France and Austria were already powerful enough to threaten Britain’s security. If they grew stronger, they would be unstoppable.

The plan was to incite a war between France and Austria, causing mutual destruction. The British government had no fewer than a hundred such plans, but executing them was another matter entirely.

Currently, France and Austria are counterbalancing each other, maintaining overall equilibrium on the European continent. If war broke out, that balance would be shattered.

If the conflict didn’t result in mutual destruction and instead produced a swift victor, Europe would be dominated by a single power.

Another anti-French or anti-Austrian coalition? Only the idealistic dreamers believed in such possibilities.

The Russian Empire and the Prussia-Poland alliance were entrenched in their mutual hatred, making any alliance between them impossible. The remaining countries combined wouldn’t be strong enough.

In such a scenario, Britain would have to intervene directly. Currently, anti-war sentiment was high within Britain. The recent wars of the past decade had made the British public very averse to conflict. Any decision to go to war would first require domestic approval.

Maclean was no idealist and didn’t believe that European countries would follow Britain’s script. Whether it was Napoleon III or Franz, their major achievements lay in politics.

Facing such opponents was far more challenging than dealing with Napoleon. If things went wrong, instead of turning against each other, France and Austria might instead unite against Britain. What then?

It was clear that the Franco-Austrian alliance hadn’t disbanded. Who else could this alliance be directed against if not Britain?

Joining the alliance and then dividing France and Austria from within was the best strategy.

If that failed, the next best option would be for the three nations to rule the world together, with Britain maneuvering to become the leader of the alliance.

The British had considered all possibilities. The only remaining challenge was convincing France and Austria to agree to the alliance.

Maclean pondered this. The initial plan had failed. Now he had to figure out which territorial concessions could be offered to both countries while maximizing Britain’s interests.

Giving up their own territory was out of the question. At most, Britain would sacrifice the interests of other countries, something they excelled at.

As the night deepened, Maclean fell asleep while mulling over these thoughts. In his dreams, he successfully navigated the diplomatic chessboard, securing Britain’s dominance and becoming the greatest Prime Minister in British history.

…

It wasn’t just Maclean who was troubled by the potential three-nation alliance. In the brightly lit Palace of Versailles, Napoleon III was also grappling with this issue.

Don’t think that being pro-British means one can’t oppose Britain. In the face of interests, a politician’s stance can change at any moment.

Napoleon III, who had lived in Britain, was well aware of how formidable the British could be. He even developed a fear of Britain for a time.

However, time has a way of easing all fears. Over his decade-long reign, Napoleon III’s terror of the British gradually faded.

Today’s France was far stronger than before, and the power gap with Britain was not as significant. Nonetheless, Napoleon III’s wariness of the British never fully disappeared.

Despite Britain being a naval power, which posed a significant threat to France, it wasn’t a fatal one. If it came down to it, France could achieve mutual destruction.

Oddly, though Austria, another land power, could pose a mortal threat to France. However, Napoleon III had full confidence in handling Austria and did not fear them as much.

Deep-seated perceptions significantly influence political direction.

This is similar to how Russia, despite its declining overall strength in later years, was still perceived as the world’s second-strongest power. Conversely...

This issue was similar for Franz. He also feared the British but did not see the French as a lethal threat.

What does it matter if they’re both land powers? The fact is, they don’t feel intimidated. Geography dictates that it is difficult for France and Austria to reach each other’s core regions.

The Alps are not suitable for large-scale military operations, which means attacking through Italy is not feasible. The other routes are even less promising.

Throughout both World Wars, Germany attacked France through Belgium, indicating the southern regions were not suitable for large-scale military actions.

Going through Belgium also means crossing Prussian territory before engaging each other.

Although European history lacks an allusion to the ancient Chinese strategy of “Obtaining safe passage to conquer the State of Guo”, the Prussian government would not dare to allow passage. Even if they did, no one would dare to use it.

Unless Belgium and the Rhineland are occupied first, any army passing through would be cut off and face disaster.

Because they did not view each other as threats, France and Austria formed an alliance based on shared interests, both confident in eventually outmaneuvering the other.

But this approach doesn’t work with the British. Neither the Austrian nor the French Navies had the strength to challenge the Royal Navy; the best outcome they could hope for was both sides suffering losses.

This is why, despite warming relations between France and Britain during the era of Napoleon III, the two nations never formed a formal alliance.

It is no different now. Both France and Austria view Britain as their greatest enemy, and the British hold the same view. Forming an alliance with one’s enemy is naturally difficult.

Taking a sip of freshly brewed coffee, Napoleon III sighed. He did not want to confront the British, but John Bull continued to obstruct his plans to annex Italy.

Deep down, Napoleon III had already made up his mind. If the British were willing to accept French expansion, then they could form an alliance. Otherwise, there was no point in further discussions.

If an alliance did not bring benefits to France, there was no reason to entertain the idea.